THE SOCIALIST WOMEN'S ATTACK ON TRADITIONAL VALUES: RELIGION, PATRIOTISM, CAPITALIST DEMOCRACY, AND POPULAR CULTURE
Although the Socialist women wooed their male comrades with protestations of loyalty to Party and family, their experience of gender oppression and discrimination caused them to criticize traditional values, customs, and institutions to a greater extent than did most male Socialists. Although prominent Socialists often buttressed traditional values against the onslaught of corporate capitalism, or reformulated such values in a Socialist manner, many Socialist women bitterly assailed religion, patriotism, the American political system, genteel notions of feminine respectability, marriage, and the family. In a party devoted to conciliating majority sentiments in its pursuit of votes, the Socialist women critiqued hoary ideals and institutions in terms very similar to those employed by the IWW and the anarchists. Most Socialist women were very well educated and did not personally experience the worst of the working-class sufferings they so graphically depicted; gender oppressions, on the contrary, afflicted them directly and intensely. "Tradition, social usage, school, church, state--all the institutions of [man's] making ordain [that woman] minister in his service," Maley complained. Stern similarly asserted that "the thousandfold bondage of custom, religion, and law" enslaved women.[1]
The Socialist Woman sometimes complained that anti-religious diatribes at Socialist meetings alienated potential female recruits; yet it had little but scorn for Christianity. Kaneko asserted that all religions oppressed women: "With religion, you have subjection. With science, you have emancipation." Malkiel said that Christianity decreed that woman "might not speak at church, but could weep there--and woman has wept ever since." Moore agreed that "the first of woman's battles was that against the teaching of the church that she should keep quiet and obey"; she exulted that woman had tired of Christian homilies and discovered "that there are some other scriptures, equally authoritative with the Christian or Jewish, with which she may 'preach back' at her lord and master." She recommended the Koran, the Bhagayad Gita, the Mahabarrata, or the poems of Walt Whitman as alternatives to the gospels, but concluded that "all at the last must rely on the evolving knowledge and wisdom of their own souls. In the final analysis there can be no authority--each society and individual is its own law and gospel." May Beals Hoffpauir extolled Nietzsche, especially his religious views.[2]
Socialist women also assailed the idea of Heaven as an apology for and escapist distraction from the ills of this world. Sarah Kingsbury bitterly told how pampered children attended Sunday school in dainty clothes, while brutally exploited children toiled in virtual death camps making those clothes and digging the coal that warmed their church. The pastor's linen was so clean because children tramped all night long in the bleaching vats, often going blind or dying from contact with the acid. Addressing the complacent rich, she thundered "Do they tell you that mere babies, little girls many of them not eight years old, weave the white sheets of your bed and all the stacks of muslin and linen so necessary for your pure, Christian homes? Do they tell you that these little girls have their hands mangled and fingers cut off in the loom--the loom that wove the white gown in which you kneel to say your prayers at night?" The pastor prayed for the heathen abroad "and almost everything in the heavens above and in the earth beneath, but you do not hear him pray that child slavery may cease." Indeed, pastors "never pray for these little wage slaves" upon whom their own comfort and genteel respectability rested because the preachers' minds and souls were themselves the property of the capitalists who bankrolled their ministries.[3]
The Socialist Woman did not emphasize its anti-religious stance; nor were its strictures unusual for SP members. Some mainstream suffragists, most notably Elizabeth Cady Stanton, also criticized Christianity harshly. (Stanton, however, was censured for her views, and also endorsed Socialism.) Yet such views, coming from loyal female SP members, must have disconcerted many a male Socialist. Indeed, the entire Socialist-feminist enterprise--emphasizing female self-assertion and autonomy and demanding a revolutionary transformation of the family--ran athwart traditional religious conceptions. The Socialist Woman ran articles favoring birth control, bachelor women, and the right of divorce. It championed a woman's right to control her body against her husband, and acknowledged the sexual needs of women (usually seen as conflicting with those of men). One writer exulted that "with religious superstition cast aside [woman] can refuse to bring forth children for the sole purpose of supplying wage slaves for the capitalist markets."[4] Although Socialist women sometimes enlisted traditional religious language in their cause, claiming that Socialism was the fulfillment of Christianity, they inevitably contravened traditional religious sentiments.
The Socialist women attacked patriotism even more stridently than religion. While some writers believed that Socialists could in some sense appropriate religion for their cause, almost all heaped scorn and derision upon nationalistic conceits. These sentiments were not unique to the Socialist women; other Socialists vehemently denounced patriotism, militarism, and war. Yet in The Socialist Woman these sentiments were not offset by attempts to redefine patriotism and enlist it in the cause of Socialism. Instead, the Socialist women undermined the patriotic myths which shrouded the realities of American history and contemporary reality. Conger-Kaneko's playlet, "The Christmas Vision," savagely attacked both the religious and patriotic exaltation of a nation in which children starved all the year, only to be feasted by the pious at Christmas. Elsa Untermann similarly ridiculed the mythologies of patriotic history, while Hazlett ridiculed Americans who sang the praises of democracy, freedom, and prosperity while remaining "willfully blind to the poverty, misery, crime, suicide, child murder" endemic to American life.[5]
Kiichi Kaneko, a Japanese man ineligible for U.S. citizenship, epitomized the cosmopolitan vision of Socialist internationalism. "There will be no West and no East and no Whites and no Yellows in the world-culture of the future," he declared. After his death The Progressive Woman praised him as "a citizen of the world" and "a man of no country--in short, as a Socialist" whose "cosmic perception [was].... without creeds, or names, or sectional boundaries. It was just life--and progress." Conger-Kaneko later reminded her readers that "if capitalism is to be wiped out in America, it must be wiped out of the world. Socialism cannot exist in the United States with a powerfully established capitalist system in China and Russia.... We can't ignore them any more than we can ignore the women in our country; they will defeat us if we do." The Socialist Woman criticized nationalistic sentiments among certain European Socialists, and as early as 1909 warned of a possible European conflagration unless the Second International took an intransigent anti-war stance.[6]
Socialist women bitterly criticized militarism and war as both distracting workers from the class struggle and as inculcating a love for glorified mass murder. The armed forces, they asserted, used the blandishments of patriotism, uniforms, and glory to recruit poor workers, who suffered the brunt of casualties in every war, learned blind obedience to their capitalist masters, and gunned down their fellow workers during strikes. The Progressive Woman frequently advertised and excerpted George Kirkpatrick's War--What For?. Kirkpatrick asserted that army recruits were deluded wage slaves "willing to be butchered--with pride--for the experience and honor of it" and proclaimed that "I refuse to assassinate you and then hide my fists in the folds of ANY flag." The acid test of any organization's anti-war stance occurs, however, when a nation actually threatens or declares war, and anti-war sentiments appear unpatriotic. When President Taft threatened Mexico with invasion in 1911, The Socialist Woman joined the rest of the Socialist party press in denouncing U.S. designs as imperialism in the service of capitalism. The cover of the April 1911 edition featured a Mexican crucified on a dollar sign; another cartoon, "The War is the Class War," depicted a soldier bayoneting a prostrate worker as a fat capitalist grins in approval. The Socialist Woman also warned that American ambitions in Asia could precipitate war with Japan and urged workers to "stand by your own class" and repudiate the blandishments of militarism. "Why shouldn't our trade union get all our feeling of patriotism?," a male writer asked.[7]
The Socialist Woman considered itself part of a political movement which aimed to capture state power through the electoral machinery. As such, it constantly boosted women's suffrage. The Socialist party implicitly preached a conservative message: meaningful social and economic change could occur peacefully and legally through duly constituted structures. Yet occasionally The Socialist Woman doubted the efficacy of political action and the democratic possibilities of traditional forms of political participation such as voting and working within the American constitutional framework. Lena Morrow Lewis, for example, averred that if present trends continued the capitalists would soon have disfranchised the majority of the working class; in that event, "a well organized and disciplined membership located in every precinct and ward in the nation" would enable Socialists to "come into power by whatever program may be advisable or necessary."[8]
The Socialist Woman printed occasional articles doubting that mere electoral activity could produce meaningful change unless workers organized where the real power lay, at the point of production. Malkiel, for example, believed that "industrial democracy is really the complement of political democracy; the one is not worth much without the other." The Constitution was assailed (often by male writers) as a class instrument foisted upon the toiling majority by vicious plutocrats; the Socialist party, in power, would ignore the rulings of the Supreme Court, abolish the senate, and nullify any constitutional provision "opposed to majority rule."[9]
Socialist women also criticized general American culture in its popular and elite forms, thus indicating further disdain of national pride. Kaneko complained that "Coney Island is merely a reflection of American bourgeois culture and life in general.... the real reflection of the money-crazed and wage-enslaved people of New York." The masses, he said, were so degraded that they had lost all capacity for intellectual pursuits and the quest for high ideals; their boredom further degraded them, and meaningless amusements only made their miserable lives endurable. Braverman similarly disdained the American obsession for baseball. Stern decried the commodification of the self that characterized American culture at all levels: "Not what we are, but what we have determines our social position. Everything is for sale. We barter our labor power, our intellectual ability, aye, even our conscience, like the commodities that we produce."[10] Socialist women frequently labelled the American intelligentsia--journalists, ministers, scientists, teachers, and writers--as the well-paid and comfortable intellectual prostitutes of the capitalist class. American culture, they believed, was not truly national but rather a capitalist class culture, bought and paid for by the owners of American society.
The Socialist Woman believed that a new society required a new literature and art. Arthur Lewis, husband of Lena Morrow Lewis, asserted that "the poet is an absolute necessity in a social revolution. He is to the revolutionary army what the Athenian schoolmaster and bard with his harp was" to the armies of Greek city-states. He bemoaned the low quality of most radical literature but averred that "a new era is dawning, and the voice of the worker is finding expression in battle songs that will live long after their singers are dead." Braverman lamented that the United States lacked a national art because it lacked joyous, life-enhancing work. True art, he said, would inspire social revolution; contemporary art was "the art that fawns and caters and teems with cowardice.... a slavish art--an art shackled by the chains of bourgeois sham." The Socialist Woman published few theories about proletarian literature, but large quantities of poems, short stories, songs, and playlets designed to win converts for the cause of Socialism. It also advertised or recommended radical literary works of all kinds. Beginning in February 1912 The Progressive Woman published "A Causerie," a monthly book review column by Floyd Dell (soon an editor of The Masses). Conger-Kaneko, who herself wrote revolutionary poems, stories, and plays, sadly observed of the working class that "as their lives are, so their tastes and their desires are warped and stunted." Echoing a claim of Emma Goldman's about artists and anarchism, she averred that "almost every artist is a Socialist" because "he hates the vulgarity of a commercialized life." She insisted that "the material reason for being a Socialist leads to the spiritual reason. We absorb our environment. What we live in, we grow like." Socialism would produce "poets, singers, humanitarians, workers, lovers, artists, and a real brotherhood of man where we today have anarchy, strife, greed, and individualism rampant."[11]
Few Socialist women, viewing American history, life, and culture, saw much to celebrate. Their attacks on religion, patriotism, capitalist "democracy", and popular culture were not unique among Socialists; indeed, their criticisms echoed those commonly made by men. Coming from women, however, a sex which often veiled even radical criticism in the language of traditional values, these attacks must have startled many male SP members. They paled, however, before the Socialist women's all-out assault on traditional marriage and the family.
Next Chapter
Notes:
[1] Maley, Women in Ibsen's 'Master Builder'," PW June 1910; Stern, "'Viribus Unitas'," PW January 1910.
[2] Kaneko, "Woman and Religions," SW May 1908; Malkiel, "Woman and the Vote," SW May 1908; Moore, "The Virtue of Daring," SW December 1907; Hoffpauir, "Human All Too Human," SW January 1909.
[3] Kingsbury, "The Lady-Like Woman: Her Place in Nature," SW August 1908.
[4] Janet Pearl, "Women in Society," SW October 1907.
[5] "The Christmas Vision," PW December 1910; Untermann, "The Workers in American History," PW November 1910; Hazlitt, "Capitalist Education as a Means of Subjugation," PW October 1911.
[6] Kaneko, "Here and There," SW November 1907; "Kiichi Kaneko, 'Citizen of the World,'" PW January 1910; JCK, editorial, Japanese edition, PW May 1911; "Prospective Parliament for Mankind," Ida-Crouch Hazlitt, SW October 1909.
[7] George Kirpatrick, "The Boy Scout Movement," SW February 1911; JCK, "Two Books of Great Educational Value," PW September 1911; cartoons in PW April 1911; George Kirpatrick, "A Special Warning to the Working Class," PW April 1911; Carl Thompson, "Self-Supporting Women," PW January 1913.
[8] Lewis, "The Socialist Party Organization," PW October 1909.
[9] Malkiel, "Socialism," PW May 1910; John M. Work, "For Socialist Locals. Program for August," PW September 1911.
[10] Kaneko, "Here and There," SW September 1907; Braverman, "Things in the Making," CN April 1914; Stern, "For Sale," PW August 1909.
[11] Arthur Lewis, "The Tongues of Toil," PW April 1911; Braverman, "Why We Have No National Art," PW June-July 1913; JCK, "A Socialist Woman's Reason," PW August 1909.
The Socialist Woman sometimes complained that anti-religious diatribes at Socialist meetings alienated potential female recruits; yet it had little but scorn for Christianity. Kaneko asserted that all religions oppressed women: "With religion, you have subjection. With science, you have emancipation." Malkiel said that Christianity decreed that woman "might not speak at church, but could weep there--and woman has wept ever since." Moore agreed that "the first of woman's battles was that against the teaching of the church that she should keep quiet and obey"; she exulted that woman had tired of Christian homilies and discovered "that there are some other scriptures, equally authoritative with the Christian or Jewish, with which she may 'preach back' at her lord and master." She recommended the Koran, the Bhagayad Gita, the Mahabarrata, or the poems of Walt Whitman as alternatives to the gospels, but concluded that "all at the last must rely on the evolving knowledge and wisdom of their own souls. In the final analysis there can be no authority--each society and individual is its own law and gospel." May Beals Hoffpauir extolled Nietzsche, especially his religious views.[2]
Socialist women also assailed the idea of Heaven as an apology for and escapist distraction from the ills of this world. Sarah Kingsbury bitterly told how pampered children attended Sunday school in dainty clothes, while brutally exploited children toiled in virtual death camps making those clothes and digging the coal that warmed their church. The pastor's linen was so clean because children tramped all night long in the bleaching vats, often going blind or dying from contact with the acid. Addressing the complacent rich, she thundered "Do they tell you that mere babies, little girls many of them not eight years old, weave the white sheets of your bed and all the stacks of muslin and linen so necessary for your pure, Christian homes? Do they tell you that these little girls have their hands mangled and fingers cut off in the loom--the loom that wove the white gown in which you kneel to say your prayers at night?" The pastor prayed for the heathen abroad "and almost everything in the heavens above and in the earth beneath, but you do not hear him pray that child slavery may cease." Indeed, pastors "never pray for these little wage slaves" upon whom their own comfort and genteel respectability rested because the preachers' minds and souls were themselves the property of the capitalists who bankrolled their ministries.[3]
The Socialist Woman did not emphasize its anti-religious stance; nor were its strictures unusual for SP members. Some mainstream suffragists, most notably Elizabeth Cady Stanton, also criticized Christianity harshly. (Stanton, however, was censured for her views, and also endorsed Socialism.) Yet such views, coming from loyal female SP members, must have disconcerted many a male Socialist. Indeed, the entire Socialist-feminist enterprise--emphasizing female self-assertion and autonomy and demanding a revolutionary transformation of the family--ran athwart traditional religious conceptions. The Socialist Woman ran articles favoring birth control, bachelor women, and the right of divorce. It championed a woman's right to control her body against her husband, and acknowledged the sexual needs of women (usually seen as conflicting with those of men). One writer exulted that "with religious superstition cast aside [woman] can refuse to bring forth children for the sole purpose of supplying wage slaves for the capitalist markets."[4] Although Socialist women sometimes enlisted traditional religious language in their cause, claiming that Socialism was the fulfillment of Christianity, they inevitably contravened traditional religious sentiments.
The Socialist women attacked patriotism even more stridently than religion. While some writers believed that Socialists could in some sense appropriate religion for their cause, almost all heaped scorn and derision upon nationalistic conceits. These sentiments were not unique to the Socialist women; other Socialists vehemently denounced patriotism, militarism, and war. Yet in The Socialist Woman these sentiments were not offset by attempts to redefine patriotism and enlist it in the cause of Socialism. Instead, the Socialist women undermined the patriotic myths which shrouded the realities of American history and contemporary reality. Conger-Kaneko's playlet, "The Christmas Vision," savagely attacked both the religious and patriotic exaltation of a nation in which children starved all the year, only to be feasted by the pious at Christmas. Elsa Untermann similarly ridiculed the mythologies of patriotic history, while Hazlett ridiculed Americans who sang the praises of democracy, freedom, and prosperity while remaining "willfully blind to the poverty, misery, crime, suicide, child murder" endemic to American life.[5]
Kiichi Kaneko, a Japanese man ineligible for U.S. citizenship, epitomized the cosmopolitan vision of Socialist internationalism. "There will be no West and no East and no Whites and no Yellows in the world-culture of the future," he declared. After his death The Progressive Woman praised him as "a citizen of the world" and "a man of no country--in short, as a Socialist" whose "cosmic perception [was].... without creeds, or names, or sectional boundaries. It was just life--and progress." Conger-Kaneko later reminded her readers that "if capitalism is to be wiped out in America, it must be wiped out of the world. Socialism cannot exist in the United States with a powerfully established capitalist system in China and Russia.... We can't ignore them any more than we can ignore the women in our country; they will defeat us if we do." The Socialist Woman criticized nationalistic sentiments among certain European Socialists, and as early as 1909 warned of a possible European conflagration unless the Second International took an intransigent anti-war stance.[6]
Socialist women bitterly criticized militarism and war as both distracting workers from the class struggle and as inculcating a love for glorified mass murder. The armed forces, they asserted, used the blandishments of patriotism, uniforms, and glory to recruit poor workers, who suffered the brunt of casualties in every war, learned blind obedience to their capitalist masters, and gunned down their fellow workers during strikes. The Progressive Woman frequently advertised and excerpted George Kirkpatrick's War--What For?. Kirkpatrick asserted that army recruits were deluded wage slaves "willing to be butchered--with pride--for the experience and honor of it" and proclaimed that "I refuse to assassinate you and then hide my fists in the folds of ANY flag." The acid test of any organization's anti-war stance occurs, however, when a nation actually threatens or declares war, and anti-war sentiments appear unpatriotic. When President Taft threatened Mexico with invasion in 1911, The Socialist Woman joined the rest of the Socialist party press in denouncing U.S. designs as imperialism in the service of capitalism. The cover of the April 1911 edition featured a Mexican crucified on a dollar sign; another cartoon, "The War is the Class War," depicted a soldier bayoneting a prostrate worker as a fat capitalist grins in approval. The Socialist Woman also warned that American ambitions in Asia could precipitate war with Japan and urged workers to "stand by your own class" and repudiate the blandishments of militarism. "Why shouldn't our trade union get all our feeling of patriotism?," a male writer asked.[7]
The Socialist Woman considered itself part of a political movement which aimed to capture state power through the electoral machinery. As such, it constantly boosted women's suffrage. The Socialist party implicitly preached a conservative message: meaningful social and economic change could occur peacefully and legally through duly constituted structures. Yet occasionally The Socialist Woman doubted the efficacy of political action and the democratic possibilities of traditional forms of political participation such as voting and working within the American constitutional framework. Lena Morrow Lewis, for example, averred that if present trends continued the capitalists would soon have disfranchised the majority of the working class; in that event, "a well organized and disciplined membership located in every precinct and ward in the nation" would enable Socialists to "come into power by whatever program may be advisable or necessary."[8]
The Socialist Woman printed occasional articles doubting that mere electoral activity could produce meaningful change unless workers organized where the real power lay, at the point of production. Malkiel, for example, believed that "industrial democracy is really the complement of political democracy; the one is not worth much without the other." The Constitution was assailed (often by male writers) as a class instrument foisted upon the toiling majority by vicious plutocrats; the Socialist party, in power, would ignore the rulings of the Supreme Court, abolish the senate, and nullify any constitutional provision "opposed to majority rule."[9]
Socialist women also criticized general American culture in its popular and elite forms, thus indicating further disdain of national pride. Kaneko complained that "Coney Island is merely a reflection of American bourgeois culture and life in general.... the real reflection of the money-crazed and wage-enslaved people of New York." The masses, he said, were so degraded that they had lost all capacity for intellectual pursuits and the quest for high ideals; their boredom further degraded them, and meaningless amusements only made their miserable lives endurable. Braverman similarly disdained the American obsession for baseball. Stern decried the commodification of the self that characterized American culture at all levels: "Not what we are, but what we have determines our social position. Everything is for sale. We barter our labor power, our intellectual ability, aye, even our conscience, like the commodities that we produce."[10] Socialist women frequently labelled the American intelligentsia--journalists, ministers, scientists, teachers, and writers--as the well-paid and comfortable intellectual prostitutes of the capitalist class. American culture, they believed, was not truly national but rather a capitalist class culture, bought and paid for by the owners of American society.
The Socialist Woman believed that a new society required a new literature and art. Arthur Lewis, husband of Lena Morrow Lewis, asserted that "the poet is an absolute necessity in a social revolution. He is to the revolutionary army what the Athenian schoolmaster and bard with his harp was" to the armies of Greek city-states. He bemoaned the low quality of most radical literature but averred that "a new era is dawning, and the voice of the worker is finding expression in battle songs that will live long after their singers are dead." Braverman lamented that the United States lacked a national art because it lacked joyous, life-enhancing work. True art, he said, would inspire social revolution; contemporary art was "the art that fawns and caters and teems with cowardice.... a slavish art--an art shackled by the chains of bourgeois sham." The Socialist Woman published few theories about proletarian literature, but large quantities of poems, short stories, songs, and playlets designed to win converts for the cause of Socialism. It also advertised or recommended radical literary works of all kinds. Beginning in February 1912 The Progressive Woman published "A Causerie," a monthly book review column by Floyd Dell (soon an editor of The Masses). Conger-Kaneko, who herself wrote revolutionary poems, stories, and plays, sadly observed of the working class that "as their lives are, so their tastes and their desires are warped and stunted." Echoing a claim of Emma Goldman's about artists and anarchism, she averred that "almost every artist is a Socialist" because "he hates the vulgarity of a commercialized life." She insisted that "the material reason for being a Socialist leads to the spiritual reason. We absorb our environment. What we live in, we grow like." Socialism would produce "poets, singers, humanitarians, workers, lovers, artists, and a real brotherhood of man where we today have anarchy, strife, greed, and individualism rampant."[11]
Few Socialist women, viewing American history, life, and culture, saw much to celebrate. Their attacks on religion, patriotism, capitalist "democracy", and popular culture were not unique among Socialists; indeed, their criticisms echoed those commonly made by men. Coming from women, however, a sex which often veiled even radical criticism in the language of traditional values, these attacks must have startled many male SP members. They paled, however, before the Socialist women's all-out assault on traditional marriage and the family.
Next Chapter
Notes:
[1] Maley, Women in Ibsen's 'Master Builder'," PW June 1910; Stern, "'Viribus Unitas'," PW January 1910.
[2] Kaneko, "Woman and Religions," SW May 1908; Malkiel, "Woman and the Vote," SW May 1908; Moore, "The Virtue of Daring," SW December 1907; Hoffpauir, "Human All Too Human," SW January 1909.
[3] Kingsbury, "The Lady-Like Woman: Her Place in Nature," SW August 1908.
[4] Janet Pearl, "Women in Society," SW October 1907.
[5] "The Christmas Vision," PW December 1910; Untermann, "The Workers in American History," PW November 1910; Hazlitt, "Capitalist Education as a Means of Subjugation," PW October 1911.
[6] Kaneko, "Here and There," SW November 1907; "Kiichi Kaneko, 'Citizen of the World,'" PW January 1910; JCK, editorial, Japanese edition, PW May 1911; "Prospective Parliament for Mankind," Ida-Crouch Hazlitt, SW October 1909.
[7] George Kirpatrick, "The Boy Scout Movement," SW February 1911; JCK, "Two Books of Great Educational Value," PW September 1911; cartoons in PW April 1911; George Kirpatrick, "A Special Warning to the Working Class," PW April 1911; Carl Thompson, "Self-Supporting Women," PW January 1913.
[8] Lewis, "The Socialist Party Organization," PW October 1909.
[9] Malkiel, "Socialism," PW May 1910; John M. Work, "For Socialist Locals. Program for August," PW September 1911.
[10] Kaneko, "Here and There," SW September 1907; Braverman, "Things in the Making," CN April 1914; Stern, "For Sale," PW August 1909.
[11] Arthur Lewis, "The Tongues of Toil," PW April 1911; Braverman, "Why We Have No National Art," PW June-July 1913; JCK, "A Socialist Woman's Reason," PW August 1909.